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John Stuart Mill

Dátum narodenia: 20. máj 1806
Dátum úmrtia: 8. máj 1873
Ďalšie mená:J.S Mill, John S. Mill

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John Stuart Mill bol britský filozof, logik a ekonóm, morálny a politický teoretik. Prehodnotil a doplnil významným, hlbokým a dobre premysleným spôsobom systém názorov, ktoré sa považujú za výraz úsilia o obranu empirizmu a liberálnych politických náhľadov na spoločnosť a kultúru, čo z neho učinilo najvýznamnejšieho anglického filozofa 19. storočia. Hlavným cieľom jeho filozofie je rozvíjať pozitivistický pohľad na svet a miesto človeka v ňom, čo má výrazne prispieť k pokroku ľudského poznania a slobody jednotlivca v širokospektrálnom význame. Hoci jeho systém nie je úplne originálny, oživenie novými formuláciami pozitivistických a liberálnych názorov na mnohé aspekty spoločenského života uplatnilo a uplatňuje naďalej svoj zásadný vplyv medzi širokou verejnosťou.

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Citáty John Stuart Mill

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„To do as one would be done by, and to love one's neighbour as oneself, constitute the ideal perfection of utilitarian morality.“

—  John Stuart Mill
Context: In the golden rule of Jesus of Nazareth, we read the complete spirit of the ethics of utility. To do as one would be done by, and to love one's neighbour as oneself, constitute the ideal perfection of utilitarian morality. Ch. 2

„The only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others.“

—  John Stuart Mill
Context: The only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant. Ch. 1: Introductory

„The only effect which I know to have been produced by them, was that Carlyle, then living in a secluded part of Scotland, read them in his solitude, and saying to himself (as he afterwards told me) "here is a new Mystic," inquired on coming to London that autumn respecting their authorship; an inquiry which was the immediate cause of our becoming personally acquainted.“

—  John Stuart Mill
Context: Mere newspaper articles on the occurrences or questions of the moment, gave no opportunity for the development of any general mode of thought; but I attempted, in the beginning of 1831, to embody in a series of articles, headed "The Spirit of the Age," some of my new opinions, and especially to point out in the character of the present age, the anomalies and evils characteristic of the transition from a system of opinions which had worn out, to another only in process of being formed. These articles were, I fancy, lumbering in style, and not lively or striking enough to be at any time, acceptable to newspaper readers; but had they been far more attractive, still, at that particular moment, when great political changes were impending, and engrossing all minds, these discussions were ill-timed, and missed fire altogether. The only effect which I know to have been produced by them, was that Carlyle, then living in a secluded part of Scotland, read them in his solitude, and saying to himself (as he afterwards told me) "here is a new Mystic," inquired on coming to London that autumn respecting their authorship; an inquiry which was the immediate cause of our becoming personally acquainted.

„It is better to be a human dissatisfied than a pig satisfied; better to be Socrates dissatisfied than a fool satisfied.“

—  John Stuart Mill
Context: It is better to be a human dissatisfied than a pig satisfied; better to be Socrates dissatisfied than a fool satisfied. And if the fool, or the pig, are of a different opinion, it is because they only know their own side of the question. The other party to the comparison knows both sides. Ch. 2

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„I thought the predominance of the aristocratic classes, the noble and the rich, in the English Constitution, an evil worth any struggle to get rid of; not on account of taxes, or any such comparatively small inconvenience, but as the great demoralizing agency in the country.“

—  John Stuart Mill
Context: I thought the predominance of the aristocratic classes, the noble and the rich, in the English Constitution, an evil worth any struggle to get rid of; not on account of taxes, or any such comparatively small inconvenience, but as the great demoralizing agency in the country. Demoralizing, first, because it made the conduct of the government an example of gross public immorality, through the predominance of private over public interests in the State, and the abuse of the powers of legislation for the advantage of classes. Secondly, and in a still greater degree, because the respect of the multitude always attaching itself principally to that which, in the existing state of society, is the chief passport to power; and under English institutions, riches, hereditary or acquired, being the almost exclusive source of political importance; riches, and the signs of riches, were almost the only things really respected, and the life of the people was mainly devoted to the pursuit of them. I thought, that while the higher and richer classes held the power of government, the instruction and improvement of the mass of the people were contrary to the self-interest of those classes, because tending to render the people more powerful for throwing off the yoke: but if the democracy obtained a large, and perhaps the principal, share in the governing power, it would become the interest of the opulent classes to promote their education, in order to ward off really mischievous errors, and especially those which would lead to unjust violations of property. On these grounds I was not only as ardent as ever for democratic institutions, but earnestly hoped that Owenite, St. Simonian, and all other anti-property doctrines might spread widely among the poorer classes; not that I thought those doctrines true, or desired that they should be acted on, but in order that the higher classes might be made to see that they had more to fear from the poor when uneducated, than when educated.

„One person with a belief is a social power equal to ninety-nine who have only interests.“

—  John Stuart Mill
Context: To think that because those who wield power in society wield in the end that of government, therefore it is of no use to attempt to influence the constitution of the government by acting on opinion, is to forget that opinion is itself one of the greatest active social forces. One person with a belief is a social power equal to ninety-nine who have only interests. Ch. I: To What Extent Forms of Government Are a Matter of Choice (p. 155)

„Whatever can be proved to be good, must be so by being shown to be a means to something admitted to be good without proof.“

—  John Stuart Mill
Context: I shall, without further discussion of the other theories, attempt to contribute something towards the understanding and appreciation of the Utilitarian or Happiness theory, and towards such proof as it is susceptible of. It is evident that this cannot be proof in the ordinary and popular meaning of the term. Questions of ultimate ends are not amenable to direct proof. Whatever can be proved to be good, must be so by being shown to be a means to something admitted to be good without proof. Ch. 1

„I deny that anyone knows, or can know, the nature of the two sexes, as long as they have only been seen in their present relation to one another.“

—  John Stuart Mill
Context: I deny that anyone knows, or can know, the nature of the two sexes, as long as they have only been seen in their present relation to one another. If men had ever been found in society without women, or women without men, or if there had been a society of men and women in which the women were not under the control of the men, something might have been positively known about the mental and moral differences which may be inherent in the nature of each. What is now called the nature of women is an eminently artificial thing — the result of forced repression in some directions, unnatural stimulation in others. Ch. 1

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