Noam Avram Chomsky citáty
Noam Avram Chomsky
Dátum narodenia: 7. december 1928
Ďalšie mená: Ноам Хомский, Ноам Чомский, Avram Noam Chomsky
Noam Avram Chomsky je americký lingvista mentalistickej orientácie, filozof, kognitívny vedec, politický aktivista a emeritný profesor jazykovedy na Massachusettskom technologickom inštitúte. Považuje sa za otca modernej jazykovedy a za vedúcu osobnosť analytickej filozofie. Od šesťdesiatych rokov 20. storočia je známy najmä ako politický disident, socialistický aktivista a anarchista.
Chomsky je známy aj ako pôvodca konceptu generatívnej gramatiky a ako zakladateľ generativizmu. Pod vplyvom marxistickej filozofie odmietol prirodzené charakteristiky reči a jazyka ako povrchné a vyhlásil, že reč a jazyk sa určujú hlbinnými štruktúrami, známymi ako univerzálna gramatika. Tieto myšlienky zhrnul vo svojom diele Syntactic Structures vydanom v roku 1957, čo neskôr vyústilo do konceptu transformačnej gramatiky. Je aj pôvodcom Chomského hierarchie, ktorá je klasifikáciou tried formálnych jazykov a patričných tried gramatík podľa ich generatívnej sily. Preto ho považujú za priekopníka teórie formálnych jazykov, ktorá má nezastupiteľné miesto v teoretických základoch informatiky.
V oblastiach psychológie a jazykovedy Chomsky tvrdo kritizoval behavioristické tendencie, čím prispel k tzv. kognitívnej revolúcii a výrazne ovplyvnil filozofiu jazyka a mysle.
Od roku 1967, keď publikoval esej The Responsibility of Intellectuals , v ktorej vystúpil proti vojne vo Vietname, je Chomsky známy ako politický komentátor, kritik zahraničnej politiky Spojených štátov, anarchosyndikalista a libertariánsky socialista, pričom sa v ich obhajobe opiera o idey obdobia osvietenstva. Chomsky tiež aktívne kritizuje kapitalistické zriadenie a venuje sa analýze masmédií a propagandy. Wikipedia
Citáty Noam Avram Chomsky
„Inteligentný spôsob, ako udržať ľudí pasívnych a poslušných, je prísne obmedziť spektrum prijateľného názoru, ale umožniť veľmi živú diskusiu v rámci tohto spektra - dokonca povzbudiť kritickejšie a disidentské názory. To dáva ľuďom pocit, že ide o slobodné myslenie, zatiaľ čo po celý čas sú predpoklady systému posilňované obmedzeniami, ktoré sú v dosahu diskusie.“
„A lot of sophistication has been developed about the utilization of machines for complex purposes, and it doesn't make sense not to use it if you can think of a good question to ask. Playing chess is about the dumbest question you can ask. But, if you want, maybe can make money that way, or something. In fact, what's going on with the chess is about as interesting as the fact that a front-end loader can lift more than an Olympics champion, weight lifter, or something. Probably so, but, you know, these are just not serious questions.“
Talk titled "Language & Mind", 1997.
Quotes 1990s, 1995-1999
„There is a noticeable general difference between the sciences and mathematics on the one hand, and the humanities and social sciences on the other.“
Quotes 1990s, 1990-1994
Kontext: There is a noticeable general difference between the sciences and mathematics on the one hand, and the humanities and social sciences on the other. It's a first approximation, but one that is real. In the former, the factors of integrity tend to dominate more over the factors of ideology. It's not that scientists are more honest people. It's just that nature is a harsh taskmaster. You can lie or distort the story of the French Revolution as long as you like, and nothing will happen. Propose a false theory in chemistry, and it'll be refuted tomorrow.
Chronicles of Dissent, December 13, 1989 http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/interviews/db-8912.html
Quotes 1960s-1980s, 1980s
Kontext: Non-violent resistance activities cannot succeed against an enemy that is able freely to use violence. That's pretty obvious. You can't have non-violent resistance against the Nazis in a concentration camp, to take an extreme case...
„We're dealing with real human beings who are suffering and dying and being tortured and starving because of policies that we are involved in“
Quotes 1990s, 1990-1994
Kontext: We're not analyzing the media on Mars or in the eighteenth century or something like that. We're dealing with real human beings who are suffering and dying and being tortured and starving because of policies that we are involved in, we as citizens of democratic societies are directly involved in and are responsible for, and what the media are doing is ensuring that we do not act on our responsibilities, and that the interests of power are served, not the needs of the suffering people, and not even the needs of the American people who would be horrified if they realized the blood that's dripping from their hands because of the way they are allowing themselves to be deluded and manipulated by the system.
„If you take an economics or a political science course, you're taught that humans are supposed to be rational wealth accumulators“
Interview by Yifat Susskind, August 2001 http://www.madre.org/articles/chomsky-0801.html.
Quotes 2000s, 2001
Kontext: Take the Kyoto Protocol. Destruction of the environment is not only rational; it's exactly what you're taught to do in college. If you take an economics or a political science course, you're taught that humans are supposed to be rational wealth accumulators, each acting as an individual to maximize his own wealth in the market. The market is regarded as democratic because everybody has a vote. Of course, some have more votes than others because your votes depend on the number of dollars you have, but everybody participates and therefore it's called democratic. Well, suppose that we believe what we are taught. It follows that if there are dollars to be made, you destroy the environment. The reason is elementary. The people who are going to be harmed by this are your grandchildren, and they don't have any votes in the market. Their interests are worth zero. Anybody that pays attention to their grandchildren's interests is being irrational, because what you're supposed to do is maximize your own interests, measured by wealth, right now. Nothing else matters. So destroying the environment and militarizing outer space are rational policies, but within a framework of institutional lunacy. If you accept the institutional lunacy, then the policies are rational.
„There are two parties, so-called, but they're really factions of the same party, the Business Party.“
Quotes 1990s, 1990-1994, Interview by Adam Jones, 1990
Kontext: In the United States, the political system is a very marginal affair. There are two parties, so-called, but they're really factions of the same party, the Business Party. Both represent some range of business interests. In fact, they can change their positions 180 degrees, and nobody even notices. In the 1984 election, for example, there was actually an issue, which often there isn't. The issue was Keynesian growth versus fiscal conservatism. The Republicans were the party of Keynesian growth: big spending, deficits, and so on. The Democrats were the party of fiscal conservatism: watch the money supply, worry about the deficits, et cetera. Now, I didn't see a single comment pointing out that the two parties had completely reversed their traditional positions. Traditionally, the Democrats are the party of Keynesian growth, and the Republicans the party of fiscal conservatism. So doesn't it strike you that something must have happened? Well, actually, it makes sense. Both parties are essentially the same party. The only question is how coalitions of investors have shifted around on tactical issues now and then. As they do, the parties shift to opposite positions, within a narrow spectrum.
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Zdroj: Media Control: The Spectacular Achievements of Propaganda
„The smart way to keep people passive and obedient is to strictly limit the spectrum of acceptable opinion, but allow very lively debate within that spectrum - even encourage the more critical and dissident views. That gives people the sense that there's free thinking going on, while all the time the presuppositions of the system are being reinforced by the limits put on the range of the debate.“
Zdroj: Quotes 1990s, 1995-1999, The Common Good (1998)
Z Magazine, August 31, 1991 http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/articles/z9110-aftermath.html.
Quotes 1990s, 1990-1994
Kontext: The crisis began with the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait a year ago. There was some fighting, leaving hundreds killed according to Human Rights groups. That hardly qualifies as war. Rather, in terms of crimes against peace and against humanity, it falls roughly into the category of the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus, Israel's invasion of Lebanon in 1978, and the U. S. invasion of Panama. In these terms it falls well short of Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, and cannot remotely be compared with the near-genocidal Indonesian invasion and annexation of East Timor, to mention only two cases of aggression that are still in progress, with continuing atrocities and with the crucial support of those who most passionately professed their outrage over Iraq's aggression. During the subsequent months, Iraq was responsible for terrible crimes in Kuwait, with several thousand killed and many tortured. But that is not war; rather, state terrorism, of the kind familiar among U. S. clients. The second phase of the conflict began with the U. S.-U. K. attack of January 15 (with marginal participation of others). This was slaughter http://www.hrw.org/reports/1991/gulfwar/index.htm, not war.
Noam Chomsky in interview by John Pilger on BBC's The Late Show, November 25, 1992 http://jmm.aaa.net.au/articles/14177.htm.
Quotes 1990s, 1990-1994