Noam Avram Chomsky citáty
Noam Avram Chomsky
Dátum narodenia: 7. december 1928
Ďalšie mená: Ноам Хомский, Ноам Чомский, Avram Noam Chomsky
Noam Avram Chomsky je americký lingvista mentalistickej orientácie, filozof, kognitívny vedec, politický aktivista a emeritný profesor jazykovedy na Massachusettskom technologickom inštitúte. Považuje sa za otca modernej jazykovedy a za vedúcu osobnosť analytickej filozofie. Od šesťdesiatych rokov 20. storočia je známy najmä ako politický disident, socialistický aktivista a anarchista.
Chomsky je známy aj ako pôvodca konceptu generatívnej gramatiky a ako zakladateľ generativizmu. Pod vplyvom marxistickej filozofie odmietol prirodzené charakteristiky reči a jazyka ako povrchné a vyhlásil, že reč a jazyk sa určujú hlbinnými štruktúrami, známymi ako univerzálna gramatika. Tieto myšlienky zhrnul vo svojom diele Syntactic Structures vydanom v roku 1957, čo neskôr vyústilo do konceptu transformačnej gramatiky. Je aj pôvodcom Chomského hierarchie, ktorá je klasifikáciou tried formálnych jazykov a patričných tried gramatík podľa ich generatívnej sily. Preto ho považujú za priekopníka teórie formálnych jazykov, ktorá má nezastupiteľné miesto v teoretických základoch informatiky.
V oblastiach psychológie a jazykovedy Chomsky tvrdo kritizoval behavioristické tendencie, čím prispel k tzv. kognitívnej revolúcii a výrazne ovplyvnil filozofiu jazyka a mysle.
Od roku 1967, keď publikoval esej The Responsibility of Intellectuals , v ktorej vystúpil proti vojne vo Vietname, je Chomsky známy ako politický komentátor, kritik zahraničnej politiky Spojených štátov, anarchosyndikalista a libertariánsky socialista, pričom sa v ich obhajobe opiera o idey obdobia osvietenstva. Chomsky tiež aktívne kritizuje kapitalistické zriadenie a venuje sa analýze masmédií a propagandy.
Citáty Noam Avram Chomsky
„Inteligentný spôsob, ako udržať ľudí pasívnych a poslušných, je prísne obmedziť spektrum prijateľného názoru, ale umožniť veľmi živú diskusiu v rámci tohto spektra - dokonca povzbudiť kritickejšie a disidentské názory. To dáva ľuďom pocit, že ide o slobodné myslenie, zatiaľ čo po celý čas sú predpoklady systému posilňované obmedzeniami, ktoré sú v dosahu diskusie.“
„The smart way to keep people passive and obedient is to strictly limit the spectrum of acceptable opinion, but allow very lively debate within that spectrum - even encourage the more critical and dissident views. That gives people the sense that there's free thinking going on, while all the time the presuppositions of the system are being reinforced by the limits put on the range of the debate.“
Zdroj: Quotes 1990s, 1995-1999, The Common Good (1998)
Z Magazine, August 31, 1991 http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/articles/z9110-aftermath.html.
Quotes 1990s, 1990-1994
Kontext: The crisis began with the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait a year ago. There was some fighting, leaving hundreds killed according to Human Rights groups. That hardly qualifies as war. Rather, in terms of crimes against peace and against humanity, it falls roughly into the category of the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus, Israel's invasion of Lebanon in 1978, and the U. S. invasion of Panama. In these terms it falls well short of Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, and cannot remotely be compared with the near-genocidal Indonesian invasion and annexation of East Timor, to mention only two cases of aggression that are still in progress, with continuing atrocities and with the crucial support of those who most passionately professed their outrage over Iraq's aggression. During the subsequent months, Iraq was responsible for terrible crimes in Kuwait, with several thousand killed and many tortured. But that is not war; rather, state terrorism, of the kind familiar among U. S. clients. The second phase of the conflict began with the U. S.-U. K. attack of January 15 (with marginal participation of others). This was slaughter http://www.hrw.org/reports/1991/gulfwar/index.htm, not war.
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Zdroj: Media Control: The Spectacular Achievements of Propaganda
Noam Chomsky in interview by John Pilger on BBC's The Late Show, November 25, 1992 http://jmm.aaa.net.au/articles/14177.htm.
Quotes 1990s, 1990-1994
Quotes 1960s-1980s, 1980s, Talk at University of California, Berkeley, 1984
Kontext: Rio de Janeiro, incidentally, is not the poor part of the country, that sort of the rich part of the country. It's not the northeast, where 35 million people or so, nobody knows what happens to them, or cares. But Rio de Janeiro, that's where people are looking, the rich parts. And this journal is a science journal, kinda like Science in the United States. It was studying malnutrition. And here's the figures it had for Rio de Janeiro: infants from 0 to 5 months, severe malnutrition, meaning medically severe, 67%; 5 months to a year, 41%; a year to 5 years, 11%. Now the reason of course for the decline, from 67 to 41 to 11, is that they will die. So that's what happens under the conditions of the economic miracle, like in Guatemala. Now, it's a little wrong to say that the people die. The fact is, they don't die. We kill them, that's what happens. We kill them by carrying out policies, supporting the regimes of the kind that I've described. And by intervening with force and violence to suppress and destroy any attempt, however minimal, even on a speck like Grenada, we've got to stop any attempt to bring some change into this. That's the history of our hemisphere.
„The US intervened in the Philippines to "uplift and christianize" the backward people, killing a couple of hundred thousand of them and destroying the place. The same thing happened in Haiti, the same thing happened with other countries. We cannot disregard the historical record and talk about an ideal world. It makes sense to work towards a better world, but it doesn't make any sense to have illusions about what the real world is.“
Seminar at Bard College, New York, February 2, 2000 http://www.bard.edu/hrp/resource_pdfs/hhrs.chomsky.pdf.
Quotes 2000s, 2000
Kontext: Actually, on humanitarian intervention in general, I guess my view is not unlike the view that was attributed to Gandhi, accurately or not, when he was supposedly asked what he thought about western civilization. He is supposed to have said that he thought it would be a good idea. Similarly, humanitarian intervention would be a good idea, in principle. [... ] can we expect that with the existing power structure, distribution of power in the world, there will be humanitarian intervention? There is nothing new about the question, of course. The idea of humanitarian intervention goes back to the days of the Concert of Europe a century ago - in the 19th Century there was lots of talk about civilizing missions and interventions that would do good things. The US intervened in the Philippines to "uplift and christianize" the backward people, killing a couple of hundred thousand of them and destroying the place. The same thing happened in Haiti, the same thing happened with other countries. We cannot disregard the historical record and talk about an ideal world. It makes sense to work towards a better world, but it doesn't make any sense to have illusions about what the real world is.
Interview by Tony Jones on Lateline, April 8, 2002 http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/20020408.htm.
Quotes 2000s, 2002
Kontext: [Q: do you think the Palestinian suicide bombers are freedom fighters or terrorists? ] They're terrorists - they're both, actually. They're trying to fight for freedom, but doing it in a totally unacceptable immoral way. Of course they're terrorists. And there's been Palestinian terrorism all the way through. I have always opposed it, I oppose it now. But it's very small as compared with the US-backed Israeli terrorism. Quite typically, violence reflects the means of violence. It's not unusual. State terror is almost always much more extreme than retail terror, and this is no exception.
„Capitalism is a system in which the central institutions of society are in principle under autocratic control.“
" One Man's View : Noam Chomsky interviewed by an anonymous interviewer http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/197305--.htm," Business Today, May 1973.
Quotes 1960s-1980s, 1970s
Kontext: Personally I'm in favor of democracy, which means that the central institutions in the society have to be under popular control. Now, under capitalism we can't have democracy by definition. Capitalism is a system in which the central institutions of society are in principle under autocratic control. Thus, a corporation or an industry is, if we were to think of it in political terms, fascist; that is, it has tight control at the top and strict obedience has to be established at every level -- there's a little bargaining, a little give and take, but the line of authority is perfectly straightforward. Just as I'm opposed to political fascism, I'm opposed to economic fascism. I think that until major institutions of society are under the popular control of participants and communities, it's pointless to talk about democracy.
„As early as World War I, American historians offered themselves to President Woodrow Wilson to carry out a task they called "historical engineering," by which they meant designing the facts of history so that they would serve state policy.“
Quotes 1960s-1980s, 1980s
Zdroj: Wendy McElroy, Carl Watner (1987) The Voluntaryist, Nr. 23-41 (1987), p. 120; Republished in: " Propaganda Review, 1987 http://www.zpub.com/un/chomsky.html," at zpub.com, accessed May 23, 2014.
Kontext: Pointing to the massive amounts of propaganda spewed by government and institutions around the world, observers have called our era the age of Orwell. But the fact is that Orwell was a latecomer on the scene. As early as World War I, American historians offered themselves to President Woodrow Wilson to carry out a task they called "historical engineering," by which they meant designing the facts of history so that they would serve state policy. In this instance, the U. S. government wanted to silence opposition to the war. This represents a version of Orwell's 1984, even before Orwell was writing.
Speech on “Lenin, Trotsky and Socialism and the Soviet Union”, (March 15, 1989) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yQsceZ9skQI
Quotes 1960s-1980s, 1980s
Kontext: There was nothing remotely like socialism in the Soviet Union… [Lenin] didn’t believe that it was possible to have socialism in the Soviet Union… He kept the view that the Soviet revolution was a holding action, they just kind of hold things in place, until the real revolution took place in Germany… That, presumably, gave some sort of justification for eliminating the socialist institutions.